ARGENTINA. WHITE PAPER ON NATIONAL DEFENSE
 
PART I: THE STRATEGIC SCENARIO: AN ARGENTINE VIEW



CHAPTER I: GLOBAL OVERVIEW

In order to determine and disseminate the Defense policy of the Argentine Republic, first it is necessary to make an analysis of the present strategic end-of-century scenario.

The characteristics of this scenario are such that, due to their widespread effect and shared impact, it is possible to summarize them into one single concept.

The above quality is accurately reflected in the title of this chapter, which also derives from the main characteristic of our time: globalization.

However, its analysis requires a prior reference to the event that led to this change in the international order, which both triggered and intensified the above-mentioned phenomenon.


1. Changes in the international environment

The end of the cold war

About half a century ago, the world witnessed the beginning of the Cold War and the permanent tension that marked that international situation.

That period of "world order" ended in 1989 with the fall of the "Berlin Wall" - which became a symbol - and was dominated by rigid strategic conditions whose disappearance gave way to the particular nature of the world today.
The cold war was based on a bipolar system, led by the two superpowers that prevailed in that period of history. The proliferation of nuclear weapons available to both powers, with an "endless threat", created a strategic balance that almost completely dominated the international agenda, where security and military matters carried the greatest weight.

The possibility of a nuclear war with unpredictable consequences and the extreme antagonism of both systems acted as a containment wall for most of the other world issues, whether historical, cultural, or geographical.

The fall of that order, which prevailed during the Cold War, led to substantial changes in the international rules of the game, significant modifications in the structure of relations, the appearance of new phenomena and the enhancement or acceleration of preexisting ones.

In summary, the end of the Cold War established a new international agenda, presenting a wider range of contents and affected by unexpected variables and nuances.

Globalization

Globalization implies, in the first place, a complex and intensified interdependence among national economies, with a high level of interpenetration in all economic activities.

This process had already started during the Cold War, but its evolution was constrained by the East-West struggle. After 1989, with the victory of democracy and free market, this trend became more evident and it pervaded all relations among societies, whether social, cultural, scientific, communications-related, public, etc.

Thus, globalization goes beyond the merely economic aspect, originating a multidimensional world phenomenon whose complexity makes it difficult to summarize its main features.

Globalization undoubtedly requires more answers from society as regards fairness and solidarity. However, in this document we will not consider it as an ideology to be chosen, but as the part of our new reality which requires, from the political viewpoint, both a basic effort to understand the phenomenon and the consideration of viable alternatives in pursuit of people's well-being.

Having mentioned the two main changes in the international system --the end of the Cold War and Globalization-- we can now proceed to the other phenomena and processes that affected the evolution of the new international order, which are either direct consequences of the above mentioned factors or derived from their interrelation.

As already stated, this shows the highly complex nature of the intense exchange between countries across borders which, at the horizontal level, involves many government agencies including the Military.


2. Transition features

International world trade is growing significantly and a formidable increase is taking place in the exchange of goods and services, leading to market openness and to the reduction of protectionism and deregulation.

Higher trade volumes lead to new commodity demands. Moreover, the increase in population results in a greater demand for food and for the fulfillment of basic needs. Both situations, in turn, increase the pressure on natural resources.

The asymmetries of transformation: Globalization and fragmentation

The progress towards interrelation between countries is not in balance in every part of the world. Rather, it shows different features and intensities both in respect of geographic location and extent.

This phenomenon tends to isolate countries or areas that have not become part of the globalization process or which are not integrated because of social, ethnic, religious or cultural reasons, which lead to an exacerbated nationalism.

This fragmentation resulted in an "explosion of differences" and these inequalities are also reflected in different degrees of system stability. As a consequence, there remain areas presenting varying degrees of conflict, though their instability is not always caused by the absence of the globalization process.

The rise of regional poles

The reaction to fragmentation leads to the integration of regions as a concept which encompasses many aspects, i.e. regions based not only on geographic-economic factors but also on political or cultural similarities, with shared values which eventually lead to a strategic evolution.

Technological-scientific revolution

This sign of our times, mainly driven by permanent advances in the field of information and telecommunications technology, among others, is the structural reason for a dramatic change in production methods.

Paradoxically, as geographic distances between production and consumption points and between investment centers are reduced, a greater demand is imposed on the international system's stability and security due to the greater influence exercised by disturbances, which are often global in nature.

These advances influence both the economic sphere and other fields:

- A society based on knowledge: Education and training in the use of every new technology are considered key for a country's insertion into the emerging global society. Nations and their institutions, including the Armed Forces, must therefore adapt to this reality where knowledge is present, more than ever before, as a strategic resource. Hence, the lack of access to knowledge implies a wider gap in growth and the resulting imbalance may result in tensions and conflicts.
-The "Revolution in military affairs" is linked to the previous concept and arises as a transformation of the traditional nature of the military power, especially in developed countries. Military power increasingly tends to leave behind the criterion of large quantities as a decisive factor. It has, instead, incorporated the so-called "soft power" which, in general, revolves around three issues: intelligence (unmanned sensors which monitor wider battle spaces), information processing (advanced C3 I2 systems) and the actions based on that intelligence (weapons with surgical precision). These changes bring about a new danger: threats to the information technology systems themselves.

New actors in the world scenario

It is important to remember that all these changes are, to a great extent, a consequence of globalization and of the "decompression" caused by the disappearance of Cold War conditions.

These changes have caused new transnational and intranational leading players to emerge in international relations, a sphere previously reserved to Nations only. The following are some of the main new players:

- Individuals and domestic social groups, who are gradually becoming the subjects of international relations actions.
- Non-Government Organizations (NGO's), which bring together many new social interests, often before these matters are included in the national laws.
- Public opinion causes the "transnationalization" of events --with an impact through the media and strengthened by the telecommunications revolution-- and influences decisions such as whether to act or withdraw from conflict areas.

The present characteristics of the Nation-State

The interconnection of political-economic decisions, the involvement of new international players and the new rules of the game create real and virtual border permeability affecting the organizational structure of the Nation-State. However, in spite of some changes in the absolute sovereignty concept, this remains the cornerstone of international power relations, though it needs to adapt to the new world conditions.

Aside from influencing national cultures, this permeability makes the Government, its institutions and the members of society more vulnerable to new types of threats and risks. At the same time, another issue that carries some weight is the insufficient capability of the international system to provide answers to new changes.

But, on the other hand, the Nation-State is emerging with strengthened qualities as a political instrument and a strategic catalyst guiding the actions of society, as a whole.

Old conflicts revived

As we have already stated, there are still many conflicting areas. In the past, the scenario was practically dominated by an ideological struggle that characterized the Cold War, where such areas remained under control thanks to the logic of the nuclear-based bipolar system: the danger of a one-to-one conflict between the superpowers moderated the incentive they themselves provided for such confrontation. At the same time, all non-ideological conflicts within the same bloc were eliminated by the action of each superpower and its main allies.

In addition to the rise of new States, the fall of the bipolar world resulted in the reappearance of many historical, ethnic, religious, cultural and territorial conflicts.

Another important factor is that such conflicts do not only occur between countries - (interstate conflicts) but are increasingly present within countries (intrastate conflicts). Confrontations often arise in weak nations, with fragile or non-consolidated government systems of a doubtful viability, or with a highly impoverished population.

Sometimes, these conflicts result in a terrible loss of human lives and bring about great suffering for the population, including massacres, starvation and massive refugee migrations, leading to more violence and to the expansion of the original area of the conflict.

The globalization of the media has increased the public's awareness of these cruel events and has contributed to mobilize political actions by the governments.

Revival of values

The permanent perception of imminent global war, which prevailed throughout the Cold War, led to a common belief in the importance of international stability and the underlying concept of peace as an intrinsic value.

World peace should not be considered as a state of total absence of conflicts but rather as a status aiming at mitigating a conflict's effects and consequences by considering its causes, carefully controlling the use of force and eventually substituting it for other mechanisms.

Peace is closely linked to another value firmly present in many regions of the world: the democratic system, which in turn emphasizes fundamental issues for the benefit of individuals, such as the Rights of Man.

The projection of the Argentine defense policy particularly underlines and fosters these values.

From "bipolarity" to "multipolarity"

The dual nature of the Cold War was substituted by the present hierarchical multipolar international system.

The United States have emerged as the only superpower in the military field. The strategic balance that characterized the previous period disappeared but, so far, it has not been replaced by any other mechanism.

Nowadays, a general diffused power prevails. This power is exercised by many players in various fields and supported by different attributes.

This situation has introduced strong uncertainty in the development of world matters, a concept expressed as the difficulty to strategically anticipate events and their consequences, thus generating more dangerous and less predictable general conditions.

Another factor emphasizing such uncertainty is the fact that the international system is still in the transition stage, almost ten years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and its final configuration is not fully defined.

This uncertainty and its associated expectation or strategic state of alert keeps the classical defense needs of the Nation-State, though their dimension and qualities have been adapted to the new requirements derived from an evolving situation.

Another consequence of multipolarity is the strengthened role played by international organizations, such as the UN and the OAS, especially as regards security.

New challenges arise

The above considerations bring about new types of conflict and dangers, of past or new origin, such as drug trafficking, terrorism, fundamentalism, proliferation of mass destruction weapons and their launching vectors, the transfer of excess ordnance and intangible technologies (scientist migration), organized crime, arms trafficking and even environmental damage and migrations due to the lack of spaces suitable for survival, among many others. Because of their interdependence, these events acquire a transnational nature and are considered by States as threats to their security and national interests.


3. Effects on security and defense

A preliminary view reveals that there are fewer probabilities of a global war, either nuclear or conventional. In contrast with this concept, there is a multiplicity of new local conflicts, within a context of uncertainty that triggers unexpected crises, due to the difficulty of interpreting the signs of tension.

On the other hand, new and complex risks have appeared, with a strong interdependence in terms of security issues and without an efficient security system available.

In turn, there has been a shift in the nature and scope of threats, making it extremely difficult to define the profile of the future challenges beforehand.

On the one hand, classical threats to security are still present and relate to the integrity of the countries. Therefore, the strategic uncertainty prevents them from overlooking such threats.

But there has also been a change that takes the form of an emerging threat, such as the many varieties of transnational crimes, which have affected institutions and people because of their hostile nature and also increased border permeability between the countries.

There are also risk factors which, though lacking a driving force, are considered of interest to the countries, such as the stockpiling and transport of nuclear waste, the build-up of chemical, bacteriological and nuclear weapons and damages to the environment, among others.

Lastly, there are sources of instability that include all kinds of worldwide events. These are generated by external or internal, historical, cultural or territorial conflicts, perceived by the international community as critical situations which, depending on their evolution, might affect security.

In the past, events of this nature were considered unimportant in comparison with basic security and defense problems.

However, because of their transnationalization and their influence on the globalization process, these events are now taken into consideration by security and defense policies, since their particular geographical distance does not by itself reduce their influence. Thus, it is often difficult to distinguish between their external or internal nature.

Far from implying a militarization approach to such problems, changes under way require to adjust the elements of the State's defense, including the Armed Forces, to the new demands.


CHAPTER II: THE HEMISPHERIC DIMENSION

The importance of the hemisphere for Argentine interests - and particularly our region - in the present scenario leads us to analyze in some detail the political changes that have taken place in this geographical context, on account of their present or potential influence over national defense issues.


1. The Western Hemisphere. Its political-structural consolidation

The map of our hemisphere has remained practically unchanged since the beginning of the 20th century.

Taking into account changes at a world level, the 90's gave rise to coincidences all over the Americas, featuring the almost complete elimination of non-democratic governments, the strengthening of representative democracies, important integration processes, a progressive economic interrelationship. The economies in the hemisphere were subject to severe adjustment, based on privatizing efforts and government spending reduction.

Nowadays, shared conditions for the development of important cooperation commercial bonds are increasing, though the imbalance of the globalization phenomenon causes gaps in the relative economic development of countries within this hemisphere. Moreover, in certain cases, those gaps exist between sectors of their own societies.

But the stable political and democratic situation has become the main common factor, while growing economic ties are a major contribution to development and peace.

On the other hand, the Latin American component of the hemisphere, particularly South America, presents a firm structure based on common historical, cultural and linguistic ties.

On the other hand, geography has traditionally placed South America in a situation of strategic isolation. Major international players have, to a certain degree, ignored it - a trend which regional integration processes have started to change.

Increasing dialog and stability

The early 90's led to the end of the most significant conflicts, particularly in Central America where final peace agreements were signed thanks to the Contadora Process.

The new Latin American democracies were united in this process and became accustomed to coordinating policies and setting up common objectives. This process also played an important role in achieving the present consensus. The Rio Group is the successor of the Contadora process, which now focuses on a wide range of issues.

A few years ago, the traditional border dispute between Peru and Ecuador came to a head. However, common actions developed by the guarantors to the Rio Protocol (Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the US) allowed to put an end to the confrontation and, through a regional peacekeeping force (the MOMEP), prevented an armed conflict while political negotiations were being held on the root cause of the conflict. A final settlement was reached in 1998 with the signing of the Presidential Minute of Brasilia.

Although there are other zones of unrest caused by domestic problems, at present the hemisphere enjoys a healthy stability and a climate of détente compared to other parts of the world. The general enforcement of the Treaty of Tlatelolco for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean is an important contribution in this sense.

Another point worth mentioning is Latin America's low investment in weapons - one of the lowest worldwide. (See Table 24-2)

Public statements of some governments - such as Brazil and Argentina - affirming the settlement of previous conflict scenarios have also contributed to the present situation.

At the same time, the strengthening of inter-American dialog and political ties have led to positive attitudes towards cooperation. Several agreements have been signed with the aim of preventing, in practice, the use of force to resolve disputes, even those including territorial issues, thus enhancing the transparency of technological developments, especially in the nuclear sphere, prohibiting mass destruction weapons and reaching understandings of all natures. Our country has played an active role in these advances.

This outlook mitigates, at least in the hemisphere, the level of uncertainty caused by international affairs.

Confidence-building. The OAS Mission

The renewed interest of the whole hemisphere in providing common answers to common security problems brought about the creation of several mechanisms geared to this purpose.

That interest also resulted in the creation of a specific forum, the OAS Commission on Hemispheric Security, which played a central role in the development of confidence-building measures through the Declarations of Santiago and El Salvador, in 1995 and 1998 respectively. These declarations were recommended for application by the countries of the region in their reciprocal relations.

These mechanisms, focused on confidence-building measures, contribute to the progressive and fast settlement of historical mistrust and fears, paving the way for a higher degree of dialog and negotiations both in bilateral and multilateral relations.

Towards cooperation in security issues

The global phenomenon of growing cooperation in search of international peace and security, expressed in the United Nations Charter as the collective security concept, was strengthened in this decade as a result of a strong change of direction in world history.

Although the situation in this hemisphere is different from that in other areas, progress is being made towards the goal set in the OAS Charter. The Defense Ministerial of the Americas, after its first meeting in the US in 1995 proves this fact. The ensuing "Principles of Williamsburg" were a valuable contribution in this sense. These Principles were endorsed and complemented by the Declaration of Bariloche in the second meeting, held in our country in 1996, and by the Declaration of Cartagena in the third meeting, held in Colombia in 1998.

The MOMEP (Military Observers Mission in Ecuador-Peru) is an example of this. Its legitimacy is based on an instrument originated in the region - the Rio de Janeiro Protocol - and the forces involved are exclusively from countries of the hemisphere.

The ongoing debate in several regional forums regarding Cooperative Security is an additional contribution, such security being understood as the joint anticipation and the prevention mechanisms implemented in the political, diplomatic and military sphere.

A major step, based on democratic Nations' shared interests, was taken in the II Summit of the Americas, held in April 1998 in Santiago de Chile. In this summit of heads of State and Government, the Commission on Hemispheric Security was asked to identify ways and means to revitalize and strengthen the Inter-American System's security-related institutions in the hemisphere.

Argentina believes that this context provides a good opportunity for redesigning regional security mechanisms.

Remaining problems and new dangers

Although on a lower scale, America is not exempted from the overall parameters, paradoxes and pressures of the global situation today. In spite of the present dialog and stability, there are still some long-standing problems, in addition to other phenomena, carrying a transnational potential and representing specific threats, risk factors and instability sources for the region.

Aside from active or latent border disputes, in which our country is fortunately not involved, there are such actions derived from drug trafficking, organized crime and illegal arms trafficking, which outcrop in certain areas of the region associated with terrorism and guerrilla activities.

These problems affect individuals, societies, national identity, values and institutions, rather than traditional "territory sovereignty" in the classical sense. And, although they may not imply the automatic and direct use of the military instrument, they are considered part of the general defense interests as they relate to the international security of our country.

A feature that, from our point of view, characterizes the security context of this region is the different perception towards these new problems by the various players.

A clear evidence of this is the difficulties encountered in producing a shared agenda of common threats.

All this is happening in a context that lacks any effective regional mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and settlement.

To implement such mechanisms, it is essential to take advantage of, and intensify, confidence-building activities of all kinds. From the Argentine perspective, these activities play a central role as the basis for future consensus in the implementation of the mentioned schemes.


2. MERCOSUR's strategic environment

In order to understand the present defense and security situation within the sub-region, we must analyze the origin and evolution of this historical initiative, which places our country and our partners in an excellent position to cope with the challenges of the coming century.

The first step in this economic integration process took place in 1985 with the Declaration of Iguazú signed by the presidents of Brazil and Argentina, which was mainly aimed at overcoming the mistrust and the rivalry vis-à-vis other parties characterizing the relations between the countries at the time.

With the signing of the Declaration of Buenos Aires in 1990, the governments of Paraguay and Uruguay stated their interest in joining the bilateral project and a four-party agreement began to be developed in that same year.

Finally, the four presidents signed the Treaty for the Constitution of a Common Market (Treaty of Asunción) in 1991, and the present structure of MERCOSUR was adopted on January 1st, 1995.

The "Enlarged Mercosur"

The 1996's Free Trade Agreements with Bolivia and Chile (these countries are not members of Mercosur) established the concept of the "Enlarged MERCOSUR". This concept implies their participation in certain bloc meetings and the implementation of coordination measures for international actions.

Political agreement

The MERCOSUR agreement established the basis for the largest political agreement ever accomplished in the region. Thanks to this agreement, the concepts of reliability, foreseeability and sensitivity became the common language among all the parties.

The member States, together with Bolivia and Chile, created the Mechanism for Political Consultation and Agreement, through which common positions are reached on regional issues other than strictly economic or commercial matters.

Another important political commitment was achieved in 1996, with the signing of the Presidential Declaration on Democratic Commitment to MERCOSUR. Chile and Bolivia adhered to this instrument which was ratified in 1998 through the Ushuaia Protocol.

MERCOSUR and sub-regional security

The evolution towards integration led to interdependence and shared interests. Public and private players gradually became involved in the same political scenario. These advances paved the way for a common political forum where a "MERCOSUR policy" is implicitly in force.

MERCOSUR has therefore become an element of stability, as the interests and relations it creates strengthen ties in every sphere and neutralize fragmentation tendencies.

In this new context, the old concept that neighbors were adversaries and that they represented an eventual threat to our security is being replaced by the idea that our neighbor's risks are our own risks as well.

Hence, MERCOSUR is acquiring, in a natural and spontaneous way, a strategic dimension: an important tool to face the new global challenges.

Thus, the countries' willingness to cooperate creates the conditions for security and defense understanding, because by changing the perception of our neighbors as being dangerous for a vision of partnership, both the approach and the answers to these issues are also changed. Yesterday's rival becomes today's ally, regardless of a legal instrument that may define those positions.

In this regard, the search for coincidences and common viewpoints does not necessarily eliminate the nuances inherent to the different histories, identities, experiences and change processes of each country, or their geographic and economic potential.

Stronger links do not imply the elimination of national diversity, which makes the region so rich; rather, they strengthen all of it as a whole, while respecting such diversity as well as the basis for consensus required to develop these sensitive issues.

"Enlarged MERCOSUR", a Peace Zone

The mentioned willingness to cooperate on common security matters resulted in the recent Political Declaration of MERCOSUR, Bolivia and Chile, as a Peace Zone, signed by the six presidents in Ushuaia in July 1998.

Some steps taken by these countries towards the non-proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons preceded this crucial political breakthrough.

The main points of the above agreement are the following:

- The declaration of Mercosur, Bolivia and Chile as a region free of mass destruction weapons, and the concept of peace as an essential element for its integration.
- The strengthening of defense and security consultation and cooperation mechanisms, the progressive integration of the region, the promotion of cooperation and the implementation of confidence-building measures.
- Support to international instruments and mechanisms aimed at the non-proliferation of mass destruction weapons - the goal being global nuclear disarmament - and non-proliferation in general.
- The willingness to make MERCOSUR, Bolivia and Chile a region free of anti-personal mines and to promote this concept throughout the Western Hemisphere.
- The commitment to extend and systematize the information provided to the UN Register of Conventional Weapons and to establish a single methodology to report military spending.
- The support to the OAS Commission on Hemispheric Security, particularly in connection with the mandate entrusted to it by the II Summit of the Americas.
- The encouragement to cooperate in the peaceful and safe use of nuclear power and of space science and technology.


3. The South Atlantic: An area of peace and cooperation

This wide maritime space, with an eccentric nature, is the meeting point for a wide range of players from West Africa and east America, including several countries that carry out operations in the Antarctic continent.

At present, the control of natural resources in the energy and food sectors is a subject of fierce competition at world level. In both cases, countries have started to look to the sea. This has led to the presence of large extra-regional fishing fleets in the southwestern Atlantic Ocean. Another factor that has aroused much interest is the foreseeable availability of non-renewable resources.

The South Atlantic is therefore running the risk of over-exploiting its fisheries. Given the wide spaces at stake, control activities require significant efforts. In this respect, it is necessary to improve the preservation of non-renewable resources outside Exclusive Economic Zones.

In the wake of technology and communication developments, distances are now shorter. The main consequence of these advances is the virtual proximity of continental coasts separated by oceans. The seas that not long ago separated nations, now bring them closer. Thus, the oceans offer new possibilities of exchange with the African continent.

In our region, the legitimate coastal states of the South Atlantic Ocean have common interests, and therefore share the same need: to exercise control over the maritime space in order to protect it.

Coastal countries have expressed their interest in reaching an acceptable level of cooperation in several areas of concern. This provides the opportunity to cooperate in different fields, thus turning the ocean space into an area of integration and materializing the UN declaration of the South Atlantic as a "Peace and Cooperation Zone" (1986).

The inter-ocean passages

The Beagle Channel and the Drake Passage have been used as alternative routes to the Strait of Magellan ever since their discovery.

The Beagle Channel, as an inter-ocean passage, shows certain hydro-meteorological limitations, aside from the restrictions applied by coastal states, bearing in mind that the Channel's western part and such channels leading to the Pacific Ocean are categorized as domestic waters.

The Drake Passage represents the southernmost and longest route between both oceans. Extremely severe weather and sea conditions are experienced when crossing it. However, that path is presently the only alternative for large ships, oil tankers and warships, especially submarines. Furthermore, for other reasons, certain flagships carrying materials such as plutonium and radioactive waste chose this route.

Today, as always, Argentina continues to strive for free navigation and the enforcement of the international instruments ruling over those passages, within the framework established in such documents. This effort is reflected in the Peace and Friendship Treaty signed with Chile in 1984 and in ensuing negotiations aimed at establishing operating rules for the use of those passages.


CHAPTER III: THE NATION

1. The geographical context of the country (1)

The territory

The Republic of Argentina is located in the southern, western and maritime hemisphere. Its territory comprises a South American continental part, islands and a sector of Antarctica.

South America has the approximate shape of a right-angle triangle with its minor leg to the north, its major leg to the west and the hypotenuse facing the Atlantic. The narrowest portion in the south is, at the same time, the least populated area of the territory, in spite of its great potential.

The Argentine Antarctica lies between 25º and 74º W and south of 60ºS down to the South Pole.

The main features of the Argentine territory are the following:

- South American continental space: It is the most compact and vast region. Its 2,791,810 km2 represent over 70% of the emerged lands; it holds almost the entire population. Most of the economic activity is developed in this area.
- Antarctic continental space: The population living in this territory belongs to scientific bases and family groups. Its area is 965.597 km2.
- Fluvial space: It is formed by the Argentine part of the Great Plata Basin, comprising the Río de la Plata (whose coast holds the City of Buenos Aires), Uruguay, Paraná and Paraguay rivers. The last two form the waterway bearing the same name, a project shared with Bolivia, Brazil and Paraguay. This waterway is more than 3,200 km long, of which 1,230 km belong to Argentina. The Río de la Plata and its waterfront are shared with the Republic of Uruguay under the terms of the Río de la Plata Treaty, signed in 1973.
- Maritime space: Maritime Spaces Act 23968 provides the basis to determine the maritime space, which comprises more than 2,700,000 km2.
- Insular space: Overall, this space comprises an area of approximately 33,000 km2 and includes the eastern part of Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego (Grand Island of Tierra del Fuego) (20,400 km2); the Malvinas, Georgias del Sur and Sandwich del Sur Islands; the Isla de los Estados (Island of States) and other small islands in the South Atlantic.
- Air space: An area that covers the whole surface of the earth up to the lower boundary of outer space. The lack of a physical borderline makes it difficult to determine its dimensions, which are established by a number of International Law provisions.

The Argentine territory, in the southern tip of the South American cone, enjoys a great climatic diversity due to its wide latitude, which includes both the Tropic of Capricorn and the geographical South Pole. Its different climates and the presence of agricultural lands place our country in a privileged position as regards diversified extensive production, especially grains and oil-seeds. For the same reason, it has sectors with excellent natural prairies for cattle raising.

Borders

The perimeter of the country on the South American continent is approximately 14,500 km. Land borders with five countries (Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) make up two thirds of the perimeter. The ocean coasts are poorly articulated and the country thus lacks suitable natural harbors on its maritime coast. In fact, the territorial area/coasts ratio is low. (1 km of coast for every 560 km2)

Borders

- With Bolivia: 740 km.
- With Brazil: 1,130 km; most of it is fluvial.
- With Chile: It is the longest, amounting to around 5,300 km and accounting for 37% of the total.
- With Paraguay: It is mainly fluvial. Its length is 1700 km, second only to the border with Chile.
- With Uruguay: It is mainly fluvial, with a length of 885 km., of which 495 km correspond to the Río Uruguay (Uruguay River) and 390 km to the Río de la Plata. The sedimentation effect around the Martín García Island, located east of the debouchment of the Uruguay river, created the first land border with that country. (Martín García and Timoteo Domínguez Islands which belong to Argentina and Uruguay respectively).

The population

At present, the Argentine population is 36,000,000, with a projection of 40,000,000 by the year 2010.

The country shows a significant demographic unbalance. The population density in inhabitants per km2 is the following:

Federal Capital and Greater Buenos Aires

2500
The Pampas Húmedas (Humid Plains) region

12
Northeast

8
Northwest

5
Patagonia

1.3
Country Average

13

The birth rate is 24 per thousand. The literacy rate is 94%, and shows a slight increasing trend.


2. The national situation

Argentina contains a wide range of social-economic spaces. 80% of the economic activity is concentrated in the "litoral-pampeana" region (littoral-plains), and 45% of the territory is located in a warm climate zone. This imbalance is also reflected in population distribution and density, as 30% of the inhabitants are concentrated in 0.1% of the territory. Patagonia, with 4%, is the least populated region, though it comprises over 28% of the total area of the country.

This vast territory shows particular geographic environments which, coupled with population density asymmetries, create important geopolitical gaps.

Its environmental characteristics, population distribution, empty spaces and the present layout of the communications system have caused distant regions to develop their own activity, disregarding economic centers and tending towards self-supply.

90% of Argentina's foreign trade takes place through maritime means of transport, a situation that is changing due to increased regional overland trade.

The Río de la Plata, with 140 km. of artificially maintained navigable channels, mobilizes 80% of the maritime foreign trade. As an access gate of the great Paraná-Paraguay Waterway to the sea, the Río de la Plata is the most important fluvial transport route of the whole country. River sources are located in neighboring countries, which requires agreements on certain issues in order to preserve both the navigation conditions and the quality of the water and the environment in general.

At present, Argentina shows a steady economic growth, a solid position against international financial crises and the capability to attract direct financial investments.

The country has not only grown but has also changed substantially. Our economic policy has changed and a new economic system has been adopted. Our currency has become a respected and reliable economic institution, and its stability, supported by the Convertibility Act, has become a major factor for economic growth.

The Argentine production profile in the last years, with strong emphasis on agricultural industry and the use of natural resources - including fishery -confirms Argentina's potential for industrial development. At present, our country is the eighth world food producer and ranks fifth as international exporter.

Argentina has become the first power supplier in the region and shows great potential in the mining sector.

In the power field, 95% of the hydropower is produced in border areas, and 75% of the oil and natural gas reserves are located in the same zone. As to power transport, power lines and gas and oil pipelines also start in border areas. Large mineral fields are concentrated in that area as well.

The transformation in the field of telecommunications - as we have seen, the key to modern production methods and to social organization mechanisms -has been significant indeed. The level of digitalization, the quantity of fiber optic and the expansion of home cable television are leading the country into the era of interactivity, placing it in a favorable position in this strategic sector.

The social-economic structure of the country continues to attract neighboring countries, whose inhabitants migrate in search of new working opportunities and health care. This phenomenon is observed in the region of the plains as well as in important southern cities where the number of foreigners represents a significant percentage.

The empty spaces are a cause of great concern for countries like ours, due to the serious problems of overpopulation in other parts of the world. During the "Conference on Population and Development" (Cairo, 1994), the region of Patagonia was presented as an unpopulated area (less than 2 inhabitants per km2) together with Greenland, Saharan Africa and the Amazon.

These factors hinder the exercise of suitable controls the important area of environmental preservation.

Our EEZ (Exclusive Economic Zone) possesses enormous food wealth. It includes large fishing areas approximately 200 meters deep, which attract other countries that fish near the limits of the EEZ. This often triggers law-breaking episodes and, as a result, the Government needs to send national ships to avoid depredation. As a consequence, this situation requires permanent control activities.

On the other hand, Argentine sea species are characterized by their migration habits, a fact that leads to agreements aimed at establishing consistent measures to preserve these renewable resources.

The geological features of the Argentine continental shelf - of continental and insular nature - are suitable for hydrocarbon generation and trap formation, and for the eventual exploitation of polymetallic nodules. This makes the platform a future economic factor, which leads to the need for its preservation.

Our country has peacefully resolved many border disputes with its neighbors, particularly with Chile, after the 1991 presidential agreements, and in 1998 a presidential agreement was reached regarding a small sector known as Hielos Continentales (Continental Ice), which still remains to be ratified by both Congresses.

Argentina could be exposed to the emerging threat of drug traffic and other transnational phenomena if their actions increase, a situation worsened because of the characteristics of its borders (extension and morphology), which require permanent surveillance.

Another challenge to be faced is terrorism, both at local and world level. Our country has suffered from its actions and many lives were lost as a consequence thereof.


3. The Malvinas, Georgias del Sur and Sandwich del Sur Islands issue

In the context of our national situation, the dispute over the sovereignty of the Malvinas, Georgias del Sur and Sandwich del Sur Islands and the maritime and air spaces that surround them, is of special concern in our country. The recovery of these areas is an aspiration that now has a constitutional basis, after its reform of 1994.

Argentina's rights regarding its sovereignty over territories and sea spaces in the framework of the dispute with the United Kingdom, are preserved by the protection of rights included in item 2 of the "Joint Declaration of the Delegations of the Argentine Republic, the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland", adopted in Madrid on October 19, 1989.

The Joint Declaration signed in Madrid on February 15, 1990 resulted in the restoration of diplomatic relations between both countries in that same year. Despite the fact that bilateral relations have been progressing steadily including the first official visit of the President of Argentina to the United Kingdom in 1998 the dispute still exists, with a sizable British military presence in the zone.

Moreover, the countries' different approaches over the exploitation of renewable resources constantly lead to disagreement. A new factor was recently added: the eventual future exploitation of hydrocarbon fields.


4. Argentine Antarctica

The Antarctic continent is an area with a very complex geopolitical situation, and is indisputably linked to the interests of our country. A wide variety of players and conflicting interests might, at some point, bring about disagreement in the positions held by the countries involved.

Historically, Argentina has shown the world its clear and definite interest in Antarctica as one of the 12 original countries that signed the Antarctic Treaty (to which our country is an advisory member). This is also proved by the uninterrupted scientific work performed by the country for almost a hundred years, starting with the settlement of our first scientific base in the Islas Orcadas in 1904. Thus, our country has been in the continent for the longest time, and its presence has been permanent. Our geographical proximity allows us to act as a base for the projection and support of activities in the area, as Argentina is one of the closest countries to Antarctica, together with Chile.

Under the terms of the Antarctic System, Argentina asserts its sovereignty over the claimed sector, an assertion that does not prevent us from cooperating with other countries in scientific research and environmental and resource preservation.


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